Dadabhai Naoroji

Dadabhai Naoroji helped lay the foundation of India's contemporary freedom struggle. At a time when the East India Company had systematically dismantled the nationalistic co- operation between the princely states of India, rose to prominence Dadabhai Naoroji, a peerless patriot who defined the modern Indian freedom struggle
Dadabhai was born on September 4th, 1825 to a poor Parsi family in Bombay. His father, Naoroji Palanji Dordi, died when Dadabhai was only 4 years old. Dadabhai was brought up by his illiterate mother Maneckbai who gave Dadabhai the best English education possible.
As a student, Dadabhai had a knack for mental mathematics and went on to distinguish himself in Mathematics and English at the Elphinstone Institution (now College) in Bombay. So impressed were his peers that one professor called him the "promise of India." Another offered to pay half the expenses for Dadabhai to study abroad. His Parsi elders refused to pay the other half of the expenses out of fear that Dadabhai would convert to Christianity and marry an Englishwoman.
On completion of his education, Dadabhai was appointed the Head Native Assistant Master at the Elphinstone Institution and went on to become the first Indian Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy.
Dadabhai entered the political fray in 1852. The East India Company acquired a 20 year lease to "manage" India from the British Government in 1833. The Company applied for renewal of the lease in 1853. Dadabhai strongly opposed the renewal of the lease and organized large meetings and sent petitions to the British Government in England to deny the Company a renewal. Even though the British Government did renew the Company's lease, his petitions dispelled a lot ignorance regarding India.
Dadabhai felt that the British misrule of India was because of ignorance of the way of life and needs on the Indian people. To remedy this he felt that he must educate the Indian masses of their rights. Dadabhai began free literacy classes for girls in Marathi and Gujarati. He set up the Dnyan Prasarak Mandali (Society for Promotion of Knowledge) for the education of adult menfolk. Topics of general awareness were discussed before large gatherings. Then he believed that the British bureaucracy in India must be made aware of the problems of India. He wrote several petitions to Governors and Viceroys regarding India's problems. Finally he felt that the British people and the British Parliament must be made aware of India's plight. He yearned to go to England to put forward India's case there. Dadabhai got this opportunity when the rich Cama family invited him to join in a business venture in England. Dadabhai did not think twice, he set sail for England on June 27th, 1855.
Dadabhai wanted to win friends and sympathizers for India. He joined several learned societies, delivered many speeches and wrote articles on the plight of India. He founded the East Indian Association on December 1st, 1866. The association was comprised of high ranking officers from India and people who had access to Members of the British Parliament. Dadabhai had become the unofficial ambassador of India.
Dadabhai was elected to the British Parliament in 1892 from Central Finsbury as the Liberal party candidate. This made it possible for Dadabhai to work for India from within! He got a resolution passed for holding preliminary examinations for the I.C.S. in India and England simultaneously and also got the Wiley Commission, the royal commission on India expenditure, to acknowledge the need for even distribution of administrative and military expenditure between India and England.

Chandrasekhar Azad

Chandrasekhar Azad was born on July 23,1906 in Badarka(Unnao).Earlier he was Chandrasekhar Tiwari,but after a court incident he became famous as Azad.Chandrasekhar Azad's parents were Pandit Sita Ram Tiwari and Jagrani Devi. He received his early schooling in Bhavra District Jhabua (Madhya Pradesh). For higher studies he went to the Sanskrit Pathashala at Varanasi. He was an ardent follower of Hanuman and disguised himself as a priest in a hanuman temple to escape the dragnet of British in pre-independence India. Young Azad was one of the young generation of Indians when Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation Movement. But many were disillusioned with the suspension of the struggle in 1922 owing to the Chauri Chaura massacre of 22 policemen. Although Gandhi was appalled by the brutal violence, Azad did not feel that violence was unacceptable in the struggle, especially in view of the Amritsar Massacre of 1919, where Army units killed hundreds of unarmed civilians and wounded thousands in Amritsar. Young Azad and contemporaries like Bhagat Singh were deeply and emotionally influenced by that tragedy.
As a revolutionary, he adopted the lastname Azad, which means "Free" in Urdu.There is an interesting story that while he adopted the name "Azad" he made a pledge that the Police will never capture him alive. Azad and others had committed themselves to absolute independence by any means. He was most famous for The Kakori Rail Dacoity in 1925 and the assassination of the assistant superintendent of Police John Poyantz Saunders in 1928. Azad and his compatriots would target British officials known for their oppressive actions against ordinary people, or for beating and torturing arrested freedom fighters.
Azad was also a believer in socialism as the basis for a future India, free of social and economic oppression and adversity.
Bhagat Singh joined Azad following the death of Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian leader who was beaten to death by police officials. Azad trained Singh and others in covert activities, and the latter grew close to him after witnessing his resolve, patriotism and courage. Along with fellow patriots like Rajguru and Sukhdev, Azad and Singh formed the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association, committed to complete Indian independence and socialist principles of for India's future progress.
Betrayed by an informer on 27 February 1931 Azad was encircled by British troops in the Alfred park, Allahabad. He kept on fighting till the last bullet. Finding no other alternative, except surrender, Azad shot himself in the temple On the 27th of February, 1931 Chandrashekhar Azad met two of his comrades, the names of whom are highly disputed. However, most people belive that they were a Veer Bhadra and a Prithvi Raj Azad. Prithvi Raj claims that he was there along with Veer Bhadra for a briefing on his mission to Russia. The Revolutionaries of the HSRA or the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association were planning a revolution in India with the help of the Communists of Russia. He further states that Veer Bhadra excused himself saying he had an appointment and left. He had been behaving highly suspiciously for a few days. A few minutes later a brigade of policemen suddenly fired a shot and had the park surrounded. Azad asked Prithvi Raj to flee and said that he would continue the fight. He was injured in his leg. The superintendent asked him to raise his hands and come out. Next moment he fell to the ground in agony as a bullet ripped through his arm. The brigade opened merciless fire in the course of which Azad was badly injured. He himself had already shot at least three policemen dead and many more were injured. At Alfred Park, behind an ancient tree, Azad made his last stand, one which would characterise the Indian independence movement. Till his last breath the soldiers were terrified of his sharp shooting skills. And this was to be the final stage of a this movement, the final scene in his life as well as the end of the revolutionaries of the HSRA. Seeing no way out Azad loaded his last bullet into his Mauser pistol, it would be the last bullet he ever fired; he would be the last man he ever killed in the struggle for Indian Independence. Chandrashekhar Azad put the gun to his temple and shot himself. He had vowed to remain Azad, meaning free in Urdu, all his life. He said that as long as he had his bumtulbukara or his pistol no one would ever catch him alive. He said that he would never be taken to the gallows tied up the way monkeys are, and made to dance by the British. His favourite couplet and only known composition is as follows: "Dushman ki goliyon ka hum samna karenge Azad hee rahein hain, azad hee raheinge!" Years of man hunt, terror, raids, assassinations and demonstrations had at last ended for the British Raj. With him all the revolutionaries were finished. The next time the British would face so grave a problem and so fierce an enemy would be 10 years later in 1941. There would be a much more developed and well organised army then lead by none other than the Netaji - Subhash Chandra Bose, an ardent supporter and sympathizer of Chandrashekhar Azad and Bhagat Singh.

Chakravarty Rajagopalachari

C. Rajagopalachari

Popularly known as "Rajaji," C. Rajagopalachari, the first Indian Governor General of India, was an ardent patriot, a pioneering social reformer, incisive thinker, profound scholar and author. He was also an eminent statesman and able administrator. He personified the ideal of simple living and high thinking. In the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, "Rajaji represents fundamentally the highest type of mind in India."
Born on December 10, 1878 in Tamil Nadu, Rajaji had his education in Bangalore and Madras. He qualified himself for the Bar and built up a lucrative practice. He attended the Surat Session of the Congress in 1907. He first met Gandhiji in 1919 and participated in the Non-cooperation Movement in 1920. He led the Salt Satyagraha Campaign in the South in 1930 and was imprisoned for 9 months.

Rajaji became the Prime Minister of Madras Presidency in 1937 but gave up office in 1939 following the Congress decision against cooperating with the British for unilaterally involving India in the Second World War. He became a member of the Interim Government formed in 1946 at Delhi. On Independence, he became the Governor of West Bengal. In 1948, he became the first Indian Governor General. In 1952, he became the Chief Minister of Madras as a challenge to fight the communists in the Madras State Legislature. He relinquished office in 1954. He was given the highest National Award of "Bharat Ratna" in 1954.
Rajaji was a champion of free enterprise, prohibition and disarmament. He went to the U.S. in 1962 as the leader of the Indian delegation to plead against the piling up of nuclear weapons in the world.
Rajaji was gifted with the rare talent of re-telling stories from the epics and the puranas. He wrote a number of books of enduring value as the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, the Gita and the Upanishads. He was an accomplished writer and speaker in English and Tamil. Rajaji died in 1972.
Rajaji started to take part in the politics of the nation at the beginning of 1900's. At first he was drawn towards Bal Gangadhar Tilak. He had good relationship with V.O. Chidambaram Pillai, an ardent follower of Tilak. During Home Rule League days he admired Dr. Annie Besant and he highly revered Salem C.Vijayaraghavachariar, one of the founders of Congress.
In the year 1919 Rajaji chose to follow Gandhi, who had just returned from South Africa. In the year 1921, Rajaji was selected as the General Secretary of the Congress Party and he came into close contact with Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel, Maulana Azad, Rajendra Prasad etc. and began to gain lime-light in the party.
At one time considered Mahatma Gandhi's heir, this brilliant lawyer from Salem, Tamil Nadu was regarded in pre-independence years as one of the top five leaders of the Congress along with Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. Rajaji was also related to Mahatma Gandhi - as his daughter married Devdas Gandhi. Of the five, Rajaji, Nehru and Patel were christened the "head, heart and hands" of Gandhi, in whose shadows they remained till his death. Ironically, all three of them were to have a tempestuous relationship, bound together only by their common goal and Gandhi's charm. However, they respected each other immensely. Nehru wrote about Rajaji in his autobiography of how Rajaji's "brilliant intellect, selfless character, and penetrating powers of analysis have been a tremendous asset to our cause". Rajaji's intellect and political acumen is often compared with that of Chanakya. He had a very intimate relationship with Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel. Infact after his resignation as Governor-General he was called back to join Nehru's Cabinet mainly to work as a bridge between Nehru and Patel, a role in which he very well suited and succeeded after Mahatma Gandhi. Though in later years Rajaji developed differences with Nehru with regards to policy, their personal relationship remained unstrained. Both had high regards and affection on each other. Sardar Patel had always identified Rajaji as one of his close companion, he always shared a cordial relationship with Rajaji. He was so open to Rajaji that he has shared his personal views about Nehru and his policy with him. Both of them were averse to Socialism.

Chittranjan Das

Chittranjan Das was born on November 5, 1870 in Calcutta. Das descended from a family of "vaidyas" or physicians. His father, Bhuben Mohan Das, was a lawyer and journalist. His mother's name was Nistarini Devi. Das developed a logical mind owing to his father and a liberal outlook and a deep sense of hospitality owing to his mother. As a child, Das was deeply imbued with patriotism and recited patriotic poems.
After school, Das entered the Presidency college. He excelled at English but did poorly in Mathematics. Das developed a keen interest in Bengali literature and read most works of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and Rabindranath Tagore. On his father's advice, Das joined the Bar and the Inner Temple in London. He became a barrister in 1893.

Das started practicing in the Calcutta High court and had the opportunity to defend national workers like Bipin Chandra Pal and Arvinda Ghosh. The case against Arvinda Ghosh came to be known as the Alipore Bomb Conspiracy. Two attempts on the life of the Chief Presidency Magistrate of Calcutta, Mr. Kingsford, were made because he was ruthless while handing out punishments. The first attempt through a mail bomb was a failure. The second attempt was made by Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki. The attempt resulted in the death of 2 innocent English women but Lord Kingsford escaped. Prafulla committed suicide and Khudiram was captured and sentenced to death. A witch hunt ensued and A. Ghosh was labelled the master-mind behind the blasts by the British Government. Nobody was ready to defend Ghosh except Chittranjan Das. The entire trial lasted for 126 days, 200 witnesses were examined, 4000 paper exhibits and 500 material exhibits in the form of bombs and explosives were filed in the case. Das's concluding statements alone lasted for 9 days. Arvinda Ghosh was acquitted. Das accepted no fee for defending Ghosh; in fact he incurred a heavy loss of Rs. 15,000 by the time the case was complete.
Besides being an astute lawyer, Das was a literary man. He has works like Mala and Antaryami (poems expressing religious spirit and devotion), and Kishore Kishori (poem expressing the eternal love between Lord Krishna and Radha). Along with Arvinda Ghosh, he founded the famous journal Bande Mataram. He was also the editor in chief of the journal Forward, a mouthpiece of the Swaraj party.
Das was moved by Gandhiji's call for non-violent resistance to the British Government. The Indian Reforms Act, also known as the Montford Reforms were passed in 1919 in Britain. The reforms were aimed at achieving a responsible government in India. Das moved a resolution declaring the reforms "inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing." He appealed to the Government to make a conscientious effort for setting up a more responsible government in India. The Congress accepted Das's resolution with a few amendments. A sub-committee recommended a boycott of educational institutions, law courts and legislative councils. Das believed that most effective way to gain freedom was to fight the British from without and within. He favored the boycott of the schools and courts but opposed the boycott of legislative councils.
Das declared that he would give up his practice to set an example for his people. Das played an important role in the boycott of the arrival of Prince of Wales in Calcutta on November 17, 1920. When the Prince stepped into the city he found it deserted. Das did his best to keep the boycott complete and peaceful. He organized the Congress Volunteers Corps for effectively implementing Congress programs. He enrolled one crore volunteers to raise Rs 1 crore for the Tilak Swaraj Memorial Fund. The volunteers were involved in picketing Government offices, shops selling foreign goods, liquor shops. They were also involved in selling khaddar. This led to an unprecedented mass awakening.
The fallout of the boycott of colleges resulted in many students with no educational institution to go to. Das setup the Bengal National College to fulfill the demands of the students.
In December 1921 Das was arrested. Getting into the police car Das told the crowd, "Men and women of India. This is my message to you. Victory is in sight if you are prepared to win it through suffering." Conches were blown and flowers showered on Deshbandhu (literally: friend of the nation) as he was fondly called for the sacrifices he made for the freedom struggle, as the police car started. Deshbandhu was first imprisoned in the Presidency Jail and was moved to the Central Jail where many of his followers were imprisoned. Das was released the following year.
Deshbandhu, along with Motilal Nehru, founded the Swaraj Party in 1923 for maintaining of continued participation in legislative councils. The party was soon recognized as the parliamentary wing of the Congress. In Bengal many of the candidates fielded by the Swaraj Party were elected to office. The Governor invited Deshbandhu to form a government but he declined. The party came to be a powerful opposition in the Bengal Legislative Council and inflicted defeats on three ministries.

The Calcutta Municipal Act of 1923 was a major landmark in the history of local self-government in India. The Swarajists were elected to the Calcutta Corporation in a majority in 1924. Deshbandhu was elected mayor and Subash Chandra Bose was appointed Chief Executive Officer. Greater efficiency was brought to the administration and many welfare projects were implemented. After giving up his legal practice Deshbandhu went from one of the richest men in Calcutta to one of the poorest. His liabilities amounted to one lakh rupees. The only asset he had was his huge building in Calcutta which he wanted to gift to the nation. Deshbandhu set up a fund, which was later made the Deshbandhu Memorial Fund through Gandhiji's intervention to clear his liabilities, build a temple, establish an orphanage and provide education to the masses. establish an orphanage and provide education to the masses. The total amount collected by the fund amounted to eight lakh rupees. Deshbandhu's home was converted to a hospital for women and is called Chittranjan Seva Sadan.
The struggle with the Government became more intense on account of the legalization of the oppressive Bengal Ordinance which authorized arrest of individuals suspected of terrorism without probable cause. Das had returned with a high fever from the Belgaum Congress session of 1925. When he heard that the ordinance was to be legalized on January 7, 1925, Deshbandhu declared from his sickbed, "The Black Bill is coming up for discussion. I must attend at any cost and oppose it." He was taken to the Council on a stretcher attended by two doctors. The bill was defeated.
On June 16, 1925, Deshbandhu's condition worsened. He died while resting in Darjeeling. On Deshbandhu's death, Subash Chandra Bose said, "The death of Deshbandhu... was for India a national calamity... ."

Bagha Jatin Mukherjee

Bagha Jatin Mukherjee(1879-1915) revolutionary activist. Bagha Jatin's real name was Jatindra Nath Banerjee. He hailed from Jhenaidha district. It is said that he came to be called 'Bagha Jatin' after killing a tiger single-handed and without any arms. He learnt short hand and type writing after passing the Entrance Examination and was appointed a stenographer to the government of Bengal. Jatin, a strong and stout young man, proved his efficiency as a sincere, honest, obedient and diligent employee.

Jatin, a man with a strong sense of self-respect and national pride, came in contact with aurobindo ghosh, and took part in climbing, swimming and shooting in the body building Akhda. While working for the Yugantar, he met Naren (manabendra nath roy) and the two soon gained the confidence of one another. In 1908 Jatin, with some revolutionaries, was implicated in the Alipore Conspiracy Case. In the judgement Barin Ghosh was deported for life, many others were sentenced to various terms and the anushilan samiti was declared illegal and banned. Jatin and Naren, acquitted for want of evidence, went in hiding to Hawra-Shibpur area and continued underground works with other revolutionaries.
Jatin was once again arrested in the Hawra-Shibpur Conspiracy Case, and those who were arrested with him were given the common name 'Jatin's gang'. They were so ruthlessly tortured that some of them died and some went insane. Jatin, though acquitted in this case also for want of evidence, was dismissed from service. When in jail, Jatin and Naren made a long term programme to capture power through armed insurrection. They planned to unite different groups of patriots and with this intention Naren travelled extensively all over India as a Sanyasi and organised the revolutionaries in Bengal and elsewhere. The leaders of various groups gathered together on the occasion of relief works during the floods in Hughli and Midnapore. They chose Jatin Mukherjee and Rashbehari Bose as leaders for Bengal and northern India respectively.
Attempts were made to organise the Indian revolutionaries outside India also. A Yugantar Ashram was formed at San Francisco and the Shikh community took active part in the struggle for freedom. With the outbreak of the First World War, the Indian revolutionaries of Europe gathered together in Berlin to form the Indian Independence Party and sought German assistance, to which the German government agreed. The Indian Independence Party sent an emissary to Jatin Mukherjee to negotiate with the German Consul General in Calcutta. In the meantime Jatin was made the Commander-in-Chief of the entire revolutionary forces. Naren, leaving Jatin in hiding in Baleswar (Orissa), went to Batavia to negotiate a deal with German authorities there for the shipment of arms and financial help.
Police, however, discovered the hideout of Jatin in a paddy field. On 9 September 1915, after heavy exchange of fire, two revolutionaries surrendered. Police found Jatin dead with two others injured. Of the two injured one died later and was identified as Chitta Priya Roy Choudhury of Madaripur.

Jatin was born in Kayagram, a village in the Kushtia subdivision of Nadia district in what is now Bangladesh. His parents were Umeshchandra Mukherjee and Sharatshashi; he grew up in his ancestral home at Jhenaidah till his father's death when Jatin was five years old. His mother settled in her parents' home in Kayagram with him and his elder sister Benodebala. As he grew older, Jatin gained a reputation for physical bravery and great strength; charitable and cheerful by temperament, he was fond of enacting mythological plays and playing the roles of god-loving characters like Prahlad, Dhruva, Hanuman, Râja Harish Chandra.[1] The name by which he came to be known ("Bagha Jatin" [variously spelt "Jotin", "Jyotin", and "Jatin" — Tiger Jatin) derived from an incident in which he killed a tiger with nothing but a Darjeeling dagger. The then leading surgeon of Kolkata, Dr Suresh Prasad Sarbadhikari who operated upon Jatin, "took upon himself the responsibility for curing that fatally wounded patient coming twice to his house daily to dress his wounds personally..."

Bipin Chandra Pal

Described as "one of the mightiest prophets of nationalism," Bipin Chandra Pal was associated with India's political history during its phase of the struggle for freedom with Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Lala Lajpat Rai. The trio was termed the "extremists" as they stood for the ideal of Swaraj or complete political freedom to be achieved through courage, self-help and self-sacrifice Teacher, journalist, writer and librarian, Bipin Chandra Pal started as a supporter of Brahmo Samaj, turned to Vedanta and ended up as an upholder of the Vaishnava philosophy of Sri Chaitanya. He was ardent social reformer-he married a widow of a higher caste twice in his life and gave his powerful support to the Age of Consent Bill of 1891. He wrote a series of studies on the makers of modern India such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshab Chandra Sen, Sri Aurobindo Ghosh, Rabindranath Tagore, Ashutosh Mukerjee and Annie Besant. He preached a "composite patriotism" that implied a universal outlook.
"Paridarsak" (1886-Bengali weekly), "New India: (1902-English weekly) and "Bande Mataram" (1906-Bengali daily) are some of the journals started by him. Born on November 7, 1858, in a village in Sylhet (now Banglagdesh), of well-to-do parents, Pal had to cut short his education at the Intermediate stage. He came under the influence of eminent Bengali leaders of his time such as Keshab Chandra Sen and Pandit Sivanath Sastri. He was imprisoned for six months on the grounds of his refusal to give evidence against Sri Aurobindo in the Bande Mataram sedition case. He visited England (three times) and America.
Pal opposed Gandhiji's non-cooperation Movement of 1920. The first Congress session he attended was in 1886 as a delegate from Sylhet.
Pal virtually retired from politics from 1920 though he expressed his views on national questions till his death on May 20, 1932.

Bidhan Chandra Roy

Bidhan Chandra Roy was born on July 1, 1882, at Bankipore in Patna, Bihar. His father Prakash Chandra was an Excise Inspector. Bidhan was the youngest of five children and was greatly influenced by the simplicity, discipline and piety of his parents. His parents inculcated in him the idea of service by taking care of people other than relatives with affection and understanding.
Bidhan's mother passed away when he was 14. His father played the role of both father and mother to his five children. He promised never to compel them to do anything but to just guide them on their path. All five children were required to do the household chores themselves. This was very helpful for Bidhan in his college days.

Bidhan did his B.A. from Patna College with Honors in Mathematics. He applied for admission to the Sibpur Engineering College and the Calcutta Medical College. He was accepted to both institutions but opted to go to medical school. Bidhan left for Calcutta in June 1901. While at medical school Bidhan came upon an inscription which read, "Whatever thy hands findeth to do, do it with thy might." Bidhan was deeply impressed by these words and they became a source of inspiration for him throughout his life.
Bidhan's term in medical school was fraught with hardships. His father retired as a Deputy Collector after the first year and could no longer send Bidhan any money. Bidhan fended for himself by getting a scholarship and living frugally, saving on books by borrowing notes and relying on books in the library.
The partition of Bengal was announced while Bidhan was in college. Opposition to the partition was being organized by nationalist leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai, Arvinda Ghosh, Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal. Bidhan resisted the immense pull of the movement. He controlled his emotions and concentrated on his studies realizing that he could better serve his nation by qualifying in his profession first.
Immediately after graduation, B.C. Roy joined the Provincial Health Service. He exhibited immense dedication and hard work. He was prepared to prescribe medicine to patients and even serve as a nurse when necessary. In his free time he practiced privately, charging a nominal fee of Rs. 2 only.
Bidhan sailed for England with only Rs. 1,200 in February of 1909 intending to enroll himself at St. Bartholomew's to further his education. The Dean, reluctant to accept a student from Asia, rejected Bidhan's application. Dr. Roy did not loose heart. Again and again he submitted his application until finally the Dean, after 30 admission requests, accepted Bidhan to the college. Within two years and three months, Bidhan completed his M.R.C.P and F.R.C.S and returned home from England in 1911. On his return he taught at the Calcutta Medical College, then the Campbell Medical School and finally at the Carmichael Medical College.
Dr. Roy believed that swaraj would remain a dream unless the people were healthy and strong in mind and body. He made contributions to the organization of medical education. He established the Jadavpur T.B. Hospital, Chittaranjan Seva Sadan, R.G. Khar Medical College, Kamala Nehru Hospital, Victoria Institution, and Chittaranjan Cancer Hospital. The Chittaranjan Seva Sadan for women and children was opened in 1926. The women were unwilling to come to the hospital initially but thanks to Dr. Roy and his teams hard work, the Seva Sadan was embraced by women of all classes and communities. He opened a center for training women in nursing and social work.
In 1942, Yangon fell to Japanese bombing and caused an exodus from Calcutta fearing Japanese insurgency. Dr. Roy was serving as the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calcutta. He acquired air-raid shelters for schools and college students to have their classes in, and provided relief for students, teachers and employees alike. In recognition for his efforts, the Doctorate of Science was conferred upon him in 1944.
Dr. Roy believed that the youth of India would determine the future of the nation. He felt that the youth must not take part in strikes and fasts but should study and commit themselves to social work. At his Convocation Address on December 15, 1956 at the University of Lucknow, Dr. Roy said, "My young friends, you are soldiers in the battle of freedom-freedom from want, fear, ignorance, frustration and helplessness. By a dint of hard work for the country, rendered in a spirit of selfless service, may you march ahead with hope and courage... ."

Dr. Roy was both Gandhiji's friend and doctor. When Gandhiji was undergoing a fast in Parnakutivin, Poona in 1933 during the Quit India Movement, Dr. Roy attended to him. Gandhiji refused to take medicine on the grounds that it was not made in India. Gandhiji asked Dr. Roy, "Why should I take your treatment? Do you treat four hundred million of my countrymen free?" Dr. Roy replied, "No Gandhiji, I could not treat all patients free. But I came... not to treat Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, but to treat "him" who to me represents the four hundred million people of my country." Gandhiji relented and took the medicine.
Dr. Roy entered politics in 1925. He ran for elections from the Barrackpore Constituency as an Independent candidate for the Bengal Legislative Council and defeated the "Grand Old Man of Bengal," Surendranath Banerjea. Even though an independent he voted with the Swaraj Party (the Parliamentary wing of the Congress). As early as 1925, Dr. Roy tabled a resolution recommending a study of the causes of pollution in Hoogly and suggested measures to prevent pollution in the future.
Dr. Roy was elected to the All India Congress Committee in 1928. He kept himself away from rivalry and conflicts and made a deep impression on the leaders. Dr. Roy efficiently conducted the Civil Disobedience in Bengal in 1929 and prompted Pandit Motilal Nehru to nominate him Member of the Working Committee (CWC) in 1930. The CWC was declared an unlawful assembly and Dr. Roy along with other members of the committee were arrested on August 26, 1930 and detained at Central Alipore Jail.
During the Dandi March in 1931, many members of the Calcutta Corporation were imprisoned. Congress requested Dr. Roy to remain out of prison and discharge the duties of the Corporation. He served as the Alderman of the Corporation from 1930-31 and Mayor in 1933. Under him, the Corporation made leaps in the expansion of free education, free medical aid, better roads, improved lighting, and water supply. He was responsible for setting up a framework for dispensing grant-in-aid to hospitals and charitable dispensaries.
The Congress Party proposed Dr. Roy's name for Chief Minister of Bengal. Dr. Roy wanted to devote himself to his profession. On Gandhiji's advice, however, Dr. Roy accepted the position and took office on January 23, 1948. Bengal at the time had been torn by communal violence, shortage of food, unemployment and a large flow of refugees in the wake of the creation of East Pakistan. Dr. Roy brought unity and discipline amongst the party ranks. He then systematically and calmly began to work on the immense task in front of him. Within three years law and order was returned to Bengal without compromising the dignity and status of his administration. He told the people,
"We have the ability and if, with faith in our future, we exert ourselves with determination, nothing, I am sure, no obstacles, however formidable or insurmountable they may appear at present, can stop our progress... (if) all work unitedly, keeping our vision clear and with a firm grasp of our problems."
The nation honored Dr. Roy with the Bharat Ratna on February 4, 1961. On July 1, 1962, after treating his morning patients and discharging affairs of the State, he took a copy of the "Brahmo Geet" and sang a piece from it. 11 hours later Dr. Roy died. He gifted his house for running a nursing home named after his mother, Aghorkamani Devi. The B.C. Roy National Award was instituted in 1976 for work in the area of medicine, politics, science, philosophy, literature and arts. The Dr. B.C. Roy Memorial Library and Reading Room for Children in the Children's Book Trust, New Delhi, was opened in 1967

Bankim Chandra Chatterjee

Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, born on June 26, 1838, was educated at the Hoogly College and belonged to an orthodox family. He was offered the government post of Deputy Magistrate and Collector which he accepted and held until he retired 1891.
He did for Bengali fiction what Michael Madhusudan Dutt had done for Bengali poetry, that is, he brought in imagination. Chatterjee was more fortunate than Dutt as he did not have to set up his own diction from the very start. The prose style was already standardized; what Chatterjee did was to break its monotony, shear off its ponderous verbosity and give it a twist of informality and intimacy. Chatterjee's own style grew up as he went on writing. Chatterjee, following the discipline of Isvarchandra Gupta, began his literary career as a writer of verse. Fortunately he was not slow to feel that poetry was not his metier. He then turned to fiction. His first attempt was a novel in Bengali submitted for a declared prize. The prize did not come to him and the novelette was never published. His first fiction to appear in print was Rajmohan's Wife. It was written in English and was probably a translation of the novelette submitted for the prize. Durgeshnandini, his first Bengali romance, was published in 1865. The next novel Kapalkundala(1866) is one of the best romances written by Chatterjee. The theme is lyrical and gripping and, in spite of the melodrama and the dual story, the execution is skillful. the heroine, named after the mendicant woman in Bhavabhuti's Malatimadhava , is modelled partly after Kalidasa's Sakuntala and partly after Shakespeare's Miranda.
The next romance Mrinalini(1869) indicates an ameturishness and a definite falling off from the standard. It is a love romance against a historical background sadly neglected and confused. After this Chatterjee was not content to continue only as a writer of prose romances, but appeared also as a writer with the definite mission of simulating the intellect of the Bengali speaking people through literary campaign and of bringing about a cultural revival thereby. With this end in view he brought out monthly Bangadarshan in 1872. In the pages of this magazine all his writings except the very last two works first came out. These writings include novels, stories, humorous sketches, historical and miscellaneous essays, informative articles, religious discourses, literary criticisms and reviews. Vishbriksha (The poison Tree, 1873) was his first novel to appear serially in Bangadarshan.
Chandrasekhar (1877) suffers markedly from the impact of two parallel plots which have little common ground. The scene is once shifted back to eighteenth century. But the novel is not historical. The plot has suffered from the author's weakness for the occult. The next novel Rajani(1877) followed the autobiographical technique of Wilkie Collins' A Woman in White. The title role was modelled after Bulwar Lytton's Nydia in Last Days of Pompeii. In this romance of a blind girl, Chatterjee is at his best as a literary artist. In Krishnakanter Uil (Krishnakanta's Will, 1878) Chatterjee added some amount of feeling to imagination, and as a result it approaches nearest to the western novel. The plot is somewhat akin to that of Poison Tree.
The only novel of Chatterjee's that can claim full recognition as historical fiction is Rajsimha (1881, rewritten and enlarged 1893). Anandamath (The mission house of the Anandas, 1882) is a political novel without a sufficient plot. It definitely marks the decline of Chatterjee's power as a novelist. The plot of the meagre story is based on the Sannyasi rebellion that occurred in North Bengal in 1773. As fiction it can not be called an outstanding work. But as the book that interpreted and illustrated the gospel of patriotism and gave Bengal the song "Bande Mataram" (I worship mother) which became the mantra of nationalism and the national song. Incidentally it gave tremendous impetus to the various patriotic and national activities culminating in the terrorist movement initiated in Bengal in the first decade of the twentieth century. Devi Caudhurani by Chatterjee was published in 1884. The story is romantic and interesting and delightfully told, no doubt. Chatterjee's last novel Sitaram (1886) has for its theme the insurgence of a Hindu chief of lower central Bengal against the impotent Muslim rule. The central figure is well delineated but the other figures are either too idealistic or impalpable.
After the novels, the humorous sketches are the outstanding productions of Chatterjee. Kamalakanter Daptar (The Scribbling of Kamalakanta, 1875; enlarged as Kamalakanta, 1885) contains half humorous and half serious sketches somewhat after De Quincey's Confessions of an English Opium-eater. It shows the writer at his best.
Bankim Chatterjee was superb story-teller, and a master of romance. He is also a great novelist in spite of the fact that his outlook on life was neither deep nor critical, nor was his canvas wide. But he was something more than a great novelist. He was a path finder and a path maker. Chatterjee represented the English-educated Bengalee with a tolerably peaceful home life, sufficient wherewithal and some prestige, as the bearer of the torch of western enlightment. No Bengali writer before or since has enjoyed such spontaneous and universal popularity as Chatterjee. His novels have been translated in almost all the major languages of India, and have helped to simulate literary impulses in those languages.
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee passed away on April 8, 1894.

Bhulabhai Desai

Bhulabhai Desai, a lawyer politician, was born on October 13, 1877 in Valsad, Gujarat. His father, Jivanji Desai, was a modest Government Pleader, but was allowed to practice law privately. His, mother, Ramabai, was a unschooled yet religious woman. Being the only child of his parents, Bhulabhai was pampered a great deal.
Initially Bhulabhai was schooled by his maternal uncle. Later, he studied at the Avabai School in Valsad and the Bharada High School in Bombay from where he matriculated in 1895, standing first in his school. He then joined the Elphinstone College in Bombay from where he graduated in high standing in English Literature and History. He won the Wordsworth Prize and a scholarship for standing first in History and Political Economy. He did his M.A. in English from the University of Bombay. Bhulabhai was appointed Professor of English and History in the Gujarat College, Ahmedabad. While teaching he also studied Law. He married Ichchhaben while still in school. They had only one son, Dhirubhai. Ichchhabhen died of cancer in 1923.

Bhulabhai Desai was enrolled as an advocate at the Bombay High Court in 1905. He made a mark in the legal profession with his thorough knowledge of legal principles, competence, hard work and persuasive handling of cases. His fluent speech, quick grasp, sharp memory and cheerful temperament contributed to his professional success.
At this time, Lawrence Jenkins, Chief Justice of the Bombay High Court took steps toward the "Indianization" of the Bar. Bhulabhai was one of the young and upcoming members of the Bombay Bar. He earned an all India reputation in the field by 1927.
Bhulabhai began his political career in Annie Besant's Home Rule League. He then joined the Liberal Party and remained with it for many years. He opposed the all-white Simon Commission in 1928 by the British Government to report the future of constitutional reforms in India. Bhulabhai considered the Indianization of the army and the navy of far greater importance than that of the civil and the administrative services.
Bhulabhai Desai ably represented the rights of the farmers of Gujarat in the inquiry by the British Government following the Bardoli Satyagraha in 1928. The satyagraha was a No-Tax campaign by the farmers of Gujarat under the leadership of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. Gandhiji want the farmers to be represented by the best advocate who was familiar with the conditions and problems of the local peasants. Bhulabhai seemed the logical choice. Bhulabhai's defense of the demands of the farmers made the Government revise the land revenue it charged, return confiscated land to farmers and release prisoners. So pronounced were the effects of the satyagraha and the inquiry that land revenue was reduced in Punjab and the Central Provinces also.
Bhulabhai Desai formally joined the Congress in 1930 after resigning from the Liberal Party. Convinced about the effectiveness of boycott of foreign goods for furthering the struggle, Bhulabhai formed the Swadeshi Sabha and persuaded 80 textile mills to join in. The Sabha was soon declared illegal and Bhulabhai was arrested in 1932 for his activities in the Sabha. He was treated as an "A" class prisoner with special privileges. While in jail Bhulabhai felt cut off from the outside world. In a letter to his son he wrote, "...in the outer world, my spirits were maintained high," whereas in prison, there is "the stagnant routine and the blank facing of the dead walls." He spent his time reading the Bhagvat Gita and books on various subjects, including Law.
While in jail, Bhulabhai Desai was constantly ill. On his release on health grounds, he went to Europe for treatment. Soon after his return, the Congress Working Committee was reorganized. At Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's insistence, Bhulabhai was included in the committee.
The Government of India Act of 1935, which allowed provincial autonomy, raised the question whether the Congress should participate in the local legislatures. Bhulabhai among others supported Congress participation and this policy was accepted by the committee. There were many naysayers in the Congress regarding entrance into the legislature. When asked if such a decision went well with India's goal for complete independence, he replied that he was not advocating a "faint- hearted course." He felt that "there was greater heroism in what may appear to be a dreary task than engaging in the heat of a struggle... ."
In November 1934, Bhulabhai Desai was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly from Gujarat. He carried out the difficult task as leader of his party with great skill, dignity and a sense of responsibility. Bhulabhai's first appearance in the Central Legislative Assembly was watched with great anticipation. Eminent Congress leaders were present on the occasion. Under his leadership the party functioned as a team. Bhulabhai entered a debate only when it was necessary to do so. When he spoke he did so with fervor and authority, always avoiding harsh language. When Bhulabhai spoke, there hardly ever was an empty seat in the House. He was not forbidding in the House or outside, yet nobody dared take liberties with him.
He firmly believed that only political and economic interests truly aroused national consciousness of the people of the country. He kept religion away from public since he believed that religion was "a matter between man and God."

Bal Gangadhar Tilak

Bal Gangadhar Tilak, born July 22, 1856, was universally recognized as the Father of Indian Unrest. He was one of the prime architects of modern India and heralded Asian nationalism. His philosophy could not survive after his death as India came under sway of Mahatma Gandhi.
Tilak was a brilliant politician as well as a profound scholar who believed that independence is the foremost necessity for the well being of a nation and that to win it through extreme measures should not be dispensed with. He was the first intellectual leader to understand the importance of mass support and subsequently became the first mass leader of India. He realized that the constitutional agitation in itself was futile against the British and that, moreover, India was ill prepared for an armed revolt.

As a result, although he was helpful to revolutionaries such as Savarkar, Aurobindo Ghosh and Chaphekar, he did not venture into it himself. Instead, he martialled the extremist wing of Indian National Congress. His movement was based on the principles of Swadeshi (Indigenous), Boycott and Education. It was he who, through his own example, gave prestige to imprisonment in freedom struggle. It is a tragedy that his work is not given the recognition due to it.
Tilak is often misinterpreted. Perhaps it is so because of his style of operation which raised bitter controversies and still more bitter opponenents even outside the beurocracy. Violent arguements characterized his relationship with social reformists such as Agarkar, Ranade and moderates like Ferozshah Mehta. Many blame him for opposing the Age of Consent Bill which raised the age limit for marriage of girls to 12 (from 10). But is fact that at the same time he had signed a counter-proposal where in one of the clauses was that the girls (boys) should not be married until they are 16 (20). He educated all of his daughters and did not marry them till they were over 16. There are instances when he privately paid for the education of women. Still it remains true that he was a reactionary and did not use his considerable influence to give a much-needed support to the social reformists. Probably, he did not want to offend the prevalent rigid system - he, himself, having been brought up in the culturally narrow surroundings of Pune. It seems as if his canvas presented him no room for active social reforms.
He had several discussions with Shankaracharya of Sankeshwar and asserted that like Swami Vivekananda, the modern Shankaracharya must be educated on modern lines. Tilak received Bachelor of Arts degree from The Deccan College, Pune in 1879 and L.L.B. from the Elphinston College, Mumbai in 1882. He was among the founders of the New English School, Pune (1881) of which Prof Chiplunkar became the Principal. He had a genius for organisation and with Agarkar, the then foremost social reformist, started the newspapers 'Kesari' and 'The Maratha' in 1881 and in 1890's started the annual celebration of 'ShivajiFestival' and 'Ganapati Festival' which served a platform for people to join in the nationalist movement against the British. Soon he came to be regarded as the undisputed leader of Maharashtra and was honored with the title 'Lokamanya' in 1893 which became synonymous with him in the 1900. As the nation fumed over the partition of Bengal (1905), Tilak assumed the national leadership with his extremist attitude and stated his position unequivocally as "Swarajya (self rule) is my birth right and I shall have it."
The next three years saw meteoric rise in his stature and the British power which had long since considered him their chief concern and had sent him to prison twice already, decided on a firmer measure. Much has been said of his trial of 1908. He utilized his time in prison in scholarly pursuits and wrote "GitaRahasya", a commentary on the Gita. He returned to Indian political scene in 1915. The political situation was fast changing under the shadow of World War I. Mahatma Gandhi's star was on rise with Satyagraha at Sabarmati in 1914.
The British charged Tilak in 1918. He fought those charges both in India and England, and was judged guilty. Amidst rumors of yet another sentence, he headed the Home-Rule commission in England to debate India's constitutional demands. By that time, Gandhi had made preparations of the first nation wide non-cooperation movement and, perhaps, it was to make way for Gandhi that Tilak left for England. Tilak was, probably, the only leader who could have put brakes on Gandhi. Both had conflicting approaches. Gandhi had the courage to address and solve the issue of untouchability once and forever. He, unlike Tilak, was a fluent speaker in Hindi and could thus reach the masses more easily. It is no secret that he had little respect for Tilak's real politick and Tilak hated adopting means which killed self pride of the masses. Whereas Gandhi preached, "Overcome hatred with love", Tilak pooh poohed moderates saying, "There is no empire lost by a free grant of concession by the rulers to the ruled." In both world wars, Gandhi encouraged Indians to fight for the British Empire unconditionally whereas Tilak held that if Indians were to remain slaves then it mattered little whether they joined army or not. The Mahatma was modern with novel methods. His was a welcome arrival both for the Moderates who needed an answer to the Extremists and Tilak, in particular, and the British who would rather acknowledge and have a saint as the foremost adversary.
In the 20's many of Tilak's followers, Dadasaheb Khaparde and N.C. Kelkar being the most prominent among them, supported Gandhi but none could have his say in the new order. Aurobindo Ghosh had retired to an ascetic life and Savarkar was serving two life sentences in Andaman. The Lokamanya had no worthy successor. Tilak's health continued to deteriorate rapidly at end of July 1920 and he went delirious and was unconscious for 3 days. His last words in the final momentary recovery were, "This happened in 1818 (End of Peshwai) and this in 1918. A hundred years' history - what a life of servitude...Unless Swaraj is obtained, India shall not prosper. It is necessary for our very own existence."
At 00:40 hrs (IST) on Aug 1, 1920, he was declared dead. It is said that the British made an extraordinary request that his brain be handed over to them so that it could be studied, preserved and exhibited. It was not complied with.

Bhagat Singh

At the age of 23, if anyone was smiling just before he was being hanged to death, it was Shaheed Bhagat Singh. He was born September 27, 1907 in the village Banga of Layalpur to Mata Vidyavati and Sardar Kishan Singh. His uncle, Sardar Ajit Singh, as well as his father, were great freedom fighters, so Bhagat Singh grew up in a patriotic atmosphere. Ajit Singh established the Indian Patriots' Association, along with Syed Haidar Raza, to organize the peasants against the Chenab Canal Colony Bill. He also established the secret organization, the Bharat Mata Society.
At an early age, Bhagat Singh started dreaming of uprooting the British empire. Never afraid of fighting during his childhood, he thought of "growing guns in the fields," so that he could fight against the British. The Ghadar Movement left a deep imprint on his mind. Kartar Sing Sarabha, hanged at the age of 19, became his hero. The massacre at Jallianwala Bagh on April 13, 1919 drove him to go to Amritsar, where he kissed the earth sanctified by the martyrs' blood and brought back home a little of the soaked soil. He studied in the D.A.V. School in Lahore. At the age of 16, he used to wonder why so many Indians could not drive away these fistful of invaders.

In search of revolutionary groups and ideas, he met Sukhdev and Rajguru. Bhagat Singh, along with the help of Chandrashekhar Azad, formed the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army (HSRA). The aim of this Indian revolutionary movement was now defined as not only to make India independent, but also to create "a socialist India."
During the Simon Commission, Sher-e-Punjab Lala Lajpat Rai was wounded and died later. To avenge his death, Bhagat Singh and Rajguru killed Mr. Saunders (one of the deputy officers in connection with the Simon Commission).
When the British government promulgated the two bills "Trade Union Dispute Bill" and "Public Safety Bill" which Bhagat Singh and his party thought were Black Laws aimed at curbing citizens' freedom and civil liberties, they decided to oppose these bills by throwing a bomb in the Central Assembly Hall (which is now Lok Sabha). However, things changed, and the Britishers arrested Bhagat Singh and his friends on April 8, 1929.
He and his friends wanted to be shot dead, since they were termed as prisoners of war. Their request was not fulfilled, and on March 23, 1931, Bhagat Singh, Shivram Rajguru, and Sukhdev were hanged to death.
This man's only mission in life was to see his country free from British rule. He did his best and when he was being led to the gallows, he was satisfied that he had lived up to his principles, irrespective of the consequences. The only thing that made him sad was that he couldn't do more for his country.

Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar

Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar, the fourteenth of Ramji and Bhimabai Sakpal Ambavedkar, was born on April 14, 1891, in Mhow, Central India into the "untouchable" Mahar caste. His father, and grandfather Maloji, were in the British Army. The Government required all Army personnel and their families to be educated and ran schools for this purpose. Thus the Sakpal family was fortunate to receive good education which otherwise, would have been denied to them At the age of six, Bhim's mother died. The family was brought up by Ramji's sister Meerabai until Ramji married a widow named Jijabai. Ramji was a strict, pious man. He never ate meat or touched liquor. He, along with his children, would sing devotional songs composed by Namdev, Tukaram, Moropant and Mukteshwar and read stories from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata.

Ramji retired from the army after 14 years of service at the rank of "Subedar-Major" of the 2nd Grenadiers. The family moved to Dapoli in Konkan and then to Satara. Bhim and elder brother, Anand, were enrolled in the contonment school, Government High School.
Bhim began to taste the bitter reality of being born "untouchable" in school. He had to sit on the floor in one corner in the classroom. Teachers would not touch his notebooks. If Bhim felt thirsty, he could only drink water if someone else poured water into his mouth. Once provoked by an uncontrollable fit of thirst, Bhim drank from the public reservoir. He was found out and beaten by the higher caste Hindus. These experiences were permanently etched onto his mind. He realized that this was the plight of anyone born "untouchable."
While in school, Bhim's teacher Ambedkar, entered his last name into the school records as Ambedkar. Teacher Ambedkar and Pendse, were the only ones in the entire school who were kind and affectionate to young him. They made the few fond memories Dr. B.R. Ambedkar had of his school days.
Bhim was an average student. He became fond of gardening and, whenever he could, he bought saplings and with great devotion nurtured them to full growth. While studying in Satara, many of his classmates left for good jobs in Bombay. He too wanted to go to Bombay and get a job and become independent. He realized that if he ever were to be successful, he would have to concentrate more on his studies. He became interested in reading. He read not just the prescribed books in school but any book in general. His father was too pleased when he digressed from school books but he never said "no" when Bhim wanted a book.
Bhim enrolled in the Elphinstone High School in Bombay. Even there, one of his teachers constantly mocked him, saying that of what use was an educated Mahar. Bhim swallowed these insults and controlled his anger. He passed his matriculation examination in 1907. The Mahar community felicitated him on his achievement. Bhim joined the Elphinstone College for further education. After completing his Intermediate course, Bhim received a scholarship from the Maharaja of Baroda, Sayaji Rao, and attained a Bachelors in Arts in 1912. The February of next year, Bhim father and mentor, Ramji died.
Sayaji Rao selected Bhim to be sent to America on a scholarship for higher studies. In return, Bhim Rao would have to serve the State of Baroda for ten years. Bhim Rao reached New York in July 1913. For the first time in his life, Bhim Rao was not demeaned for being a Mahar. He put his heart into his studies and received a degree in Master of Arts and a Doctorate in Philosophy from Columbia University in 1916 for his thesis "National Dividend for India: A Historical and Analytical Study."
From America, Bhim Rao proceeded to London to study economics and political science. He Government of Baroda terminated his scholarship and recalled him to Baroda. Bhim Rao vowed to return to London to complete his studies.
The Maharaj appointed him to the post of Military Secretary but who cared to take orders from an "untouchable" Mahar. Bhim Rao could not even get lodging and not even the Prime Minister appointed by the Maharaja could help Bhim Rao find a place to live. Bhim Rao returned to Bombay in November 1917. and took a part time job in the Sydenham College with the sole aim of going to London to complete his studies.
With the help of Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur, a sympathizer of the cause for the upliftment of the depressed classes, Bhim Rao started a fortnightly newspaper, the Mooknayak (Leader of the Dumb) on January 31, 1920. The Maharaj also convened many meeting and conferences of the "untouchables" which Bhim Rao addressed. Impressed by Ambedkar, the Maharak declared at a meeting, "You have found your saviour in Ambedkar. I am confident he will break your shackles."

Dr. Allamah Iqbal

After `Ghalib' had left the world and signed his name on the chair of poetry, few believed that there would ever be another poet of his level again. When the sun went down for Urdu poetry for a while, it rose in a small city, many miles away from Delhi, the center for Urdu poetry then. Sir Doctor Muhammad Allamah Iqbal, son of a Kashmiri merchant Sheikh Natthu and Begum Imam Bibi, was born on February 22, 1873 in Sialkot. Iqbal started a revolution, with which ushered a new era in Urdu poetry. We count Iqbal for inheriting the throne after `Ghalib'. A small fire was lit in the age of darkness and will keep shining as long as the world will last. The facts of Iqbal's life can be briefly stated. He finished his early education in Sialkot and migrated to Lahore in 1895 for higher studies. In Sialkot he was lucky to have as his teacher Shamsul-Ulema Mir Hasan, a great Oriental scholar. This great man did not take long to recognize the perspicacity of his young pupil's intellect, and encouraged him in every possible way. At Lahore, Iqbal came under the influence of Sir Thomas Arnold. Sir Thomas Arnold's company introduced him to all that is best and most noble in Western thought, and at the same time initiated him into the modern methods of criticism. Iqbal graduated from the Government College, Lahore , in 1897, with English Literature, Philosophy and Arabic. In 1899, Iqbal took his M.A. degree in Philosophy. As advised by Sir Thomas Arnold, Iqbal went to Europe for higher studies in 1905 and got his Doctorate in Philosophy from Munich University in 1908 . Iqbal also qualified for the Bar in this interim. The Governor of Punjab, impressed by Iqbal's poem on the death of Queen Victoria, conferred knighthood upon him in 1922.
In Europe, Iqbal began to see the larger horizon of things and to move in spacious realms. He stayed there for three years, and these years played a great part in the development of his thought. It was not a period of deeds but one of preparation. His outlook on life underwent two important changes about this time: he got a n utter dislike for narrow and selfish nationalism which was the root cause of most political troubles in Europe, and his admiration for a life of action and struggle became more pronounced.
One simply cannot set a definition on Iqbal, as he was able to convert everything in poetry. There is no subject he hasn't debated upon in his poetry: Politics, life, love, religion, philosophy, literature, West, East, countries, legends, history, etc. The list is longer as one goes deeper and deeper in Iqbal's poetry - not least discovering that Iqbal beheld the true meaning of poetry, whereas his ambitions and abilities to move the masses were yet still indiscussable subjects. There was never any doubt why he got the title: "Shayer-e-Mashrik" - the Poet of the East.
To the Indian nationalist he appears a fervent nationalist who wrote, `Of all the countries in the world, the best is our Hindustan' (sarey jahan se achcha Hindustan hamara), exhorted Hindus and Muslims to come together, build new shrines where they could worship together and who regarded every speck of dust of his country as divine. Iqbal exhorted the peasantry to rise against its oppressors, uproot the mansions of the rich and set fire to crops which did not provide sustenance for them.It could be said that Iqbal sang in many voices: he was a nationalist as well as an internationalist, a Marxist revolutionary as well as a supporter of traditional Muslim values and a pan-Islamist. Whatever he wrote was born of passion and executed with the skill of a master craftsman. Few poets of the world have been able to cram so much erudition and philosophy in verse; and fewer still use words both as colors on an artist's palette to paint pictures as well as deploy them as notes of a lute to create music. He was fired by a creative zeal which could only be explained as divinely inspired. Three years in Europe (1905-1908) brought about a complete reversal in his beliefs. The world became real; life had a purpose to serve; latent in every man was a superman who could be roused to his full height by ceaseless striving to create a better world. This post-European phase has been designed as Iqbal's philosophy of khudi. As used by Iqbal what comes closest to khudi is assertive will-power imbued with moral values. This is apparent from these oft-quoted lines:
Endow your will with such power That at every turn of fate it so be That God Himself asks of His slave 'What is it that pleases thee?'
What exactly did Iqbal want human beings to strive for? Obviously towards some kind of perfection. But he does not care to spell it out in any detail. It would appear that for man ceaseless striving was not to be for material gains in this world or with an eye on rewards in life hereafter. Thus to Iqbal a man who inherits wealth without having striven for it is worse than a beggar, while a poor man who works for the good of humanity is truly rich. Iqbal writes:
In man's crusade of life these weapons has he: Conviction that his cause is just; Resolution to strive till eternity; Compassion that embraces all humanity.
However, Iqbal did not accept the Hindu belief in predestination and assured man that he could be the master of his fate and make the world what he wanted it to be: 'Tis how we act that makes our lives; We can make it heaven, we can make it hell. In the clay of which we are made Neither light nor darkness (of evil) dwells.

Dr. Annie Besant

Dr. Annie Besant is one of those foreigners who inspired the love of the country among Indians. She declared in 1918 in her paper "New India": "I love the Indian people as I love none other, and... my heart and my mind... have long been laid on the alter of the Motherland."Annie Besant, born of Irish parents in London on October 1, 1847, made India her home from November, 1893. Dr. Besant, said Mahatma Gandhi, awakened India from her deep slumber. Before she came to India, Dr. Besant passed through several phases of life-housewife, propagator of atheism, trade unionist, feminist leader and Fabian Socialist. By 1889, "there was scarcely any modern reform (in England) for which she had not worked, written spoken and suffered."Dr. Besant started the Home Rule League in India for obtaining the freedom of the country and reviving the country's glorious cultural heritage. She started a paper called "New India." She attended the 1914 session of the Indian National Congress and presided over it in 1917. She could not see eye to eye with Gandhiji in regard to the latter's satyagraha movement.
An orator and writer with poetic temperament, Dr. Besant was a veritable tornado of power and passion. By her eloquence, firmness of convictions and utter sincerity she attracted some of the best minds of the country for the national cause. She was largely responsible for the upbringing of the world renowned philosopher K. Krishnamurti. Dr. Besant died in 1933.
Annie Wood was born in 1847 in London into a middle-class family of Irish origin. Annie was always proud of being Irish and supported the cause of Irish self-rule throughout her adult life.
Her father died when she was young and left the family almost penniless. Annie’s mother was forced to support the family by running a boarding house for boys at Harrow. She raised the money for a private tutor for Annie in this way.
Annie was educated privately by a female tutor as an Evangelical Christian. She was given a strong sense of duty to society and an equally strong sense of what independent women could achieve.
As a young woman, Annie was also able to travel widely in Europe. There she acquired a taste for Catholic colour and ceremony that never left her.
She was married in 1867 in Hastings, Sussex, to 26-year-old clergyman Frank Besant, younger brother of Walter Besant. He was an Evangelical Anglican clergyman who seemed to share many of her concerns.
Soon Frank became vicar of Sibsey in Lincolnshire. Annie moved to Sibsey with him, and within a few years they had two children: Digby and Mabel.
The marriage was, however, a disaster. The first conflict came over money and Annie’s independence. Annie wrote short stories, books for children and articles. Frank took all the money she made: married women did not have the right to own property. Politics further divided the couple. Annie began to support farm workers who were fighting to unionise and to win better conditions. Frank was a Tory and sided with the landlords and farmers. The tension came to a head when Frank struck Annie. She left him and returned to London.
Annie began to question her own faith. She turned to leading churchmen for advice. She even went to see Dr Pusey, leader of the Catholic wing of the Church of England. He simply told her she had read too many books. Annie returned to Frank to make one last effort to repair the marriage. It proved useless. She finally left for London. Divorce was unthinkable for Frank, and was not really within the reach of even middle-class people. Annie was to remain Mrs Besant for the rest of her life. At first, she was able to keep contact with both children and to have Mabel live with her. She got a small allowance from Frank. Her husband was given sole custody of their two children. She fought for the causes she thought were right, starting with freedom of thought, women's rights, secularism (she was a leading member of the National Secular Society alongside Charles Bradlaugh), birth control, Fabian socialism and workers' rights.

Aravinda Ackroyd Ghosh

Aravinda Ackroyd Ghosh was born on August 15, 1872, in Calcutta. His father, Dr. Krishnadhan Ghosh, a civil medical officer in Bengal, added the middle name Ackroyd because a Miss Ackroyd, a visitor from England, was present at his birth. His mother, Swarnalata Devi, was the daughter of nationalist Rajnarayan Bose. Aravinda's father attained his M.D. from the University of Aberdeen in England. By the time Krishnadhan returned to India, he was so westernized that he vowed to bring his children up as Englishmen Aravinda and his brothers were admitted to a special school in Darjeeling, in 1877, which was meant only for English children. For two years the boys were taught by Irish nuns of the Loretto Convent School. In 1879, the children were taken to England. The two elder boys were admitted to a school, while Aravinda, who was just seven years old, was left in the care of Rev. W. H. Drewett and his wife in Manchester. The Drewetts were to tutor Aravinda. Aravinda learned English and Latin from the Reverend, and history, geography, arithmetic and French from Mrs. Drewett. Aravinda became fond of reading and made full use of the personal library of the Drewetts. After five years of comfortable living in Manchester, when the boys moved to London, their remittances from Dr. Ghosh started dwindling.
Aravinda continued to excel in his studies despite difficulties. He carried away prizes for the classics--classical literature in particular. He won the Butterworth prize for literature, the Bedford prize for history and a scholarship at St. Paul's. While in the King's College at Cambridge, Aravinda was awarded a senior classical scholarship of 80 pounds per annum, in addition to a stipend as a candidate of the Indian Civil Service. Aravinda passed the Classical Tripos examination in the first class with distinction and passed in the open competition for the Indian Civil Service in 1890. He cleared the periodical examination and the medical examination but failed to appear for the horse-riding test which was compulsory for entering the Indian Civil Service. Aravinda returned to India on January 1893 aboard the S.S. Carthage. Just before Aravinda set foot in India, his father died of heart failure.
He was only 21 and did not even possess proper qualifications. He accepted a post promised by Sayaji Rao Gaekwad of Baroda when he was in England, with a fixed salary of Rs. 200. He was first appointed in the survey settlement department, and later in the department of stamp and revenue. Often he served as the Gaekwad's personal secretary and prepared the Gaekwad's speeches and wrote the communiques between Baroda State and the Indian Government. In 1900, Aravinda accepted the post of professor of English at Baroda College and also taught French as a part-time professor.
Aravinda married Mrinalini, daughter of Bhupal Chandra Basu, in 1901. Aravinda was 29 years old at the time of marriage while Mrinalini was only 14. The two had very little time to spend with each other since Aravinda lived in Baroda, and Mrinalini remained in Calcutta. Aravinda deeply loved his wife and was always regular in writing letters to her. His letters to her were published as a book called "Letters to Mrinalini." Mrinalini was initiated by Ma Sarada, saintly wife of Sri Ramakrishna Paramahamsa of Dakshineshwara, seeking spiritual refuge. Mrinalini died of influenza in 1918 in Calcutta at the age of 31.
In one of his letters to Mrinalini, Aravinda mentioned his three beliefs. First, he believed that whatever he had: talent, virtue, high education-all belonged to God. Second, he wished to come face to face with God. Third, in his own words, "Others look upon India , their country, as a mass of matter, a number of fields, plains, forests, mountains, and rivers and nothing more." He believed his nation to be his own mother. He adored her and worshipped her. He saw the entire nation at his door, seeking shelter and help in attaining freedom from foreign shackles.
Initially, Aravinda's political activities were limited to Baroda, but they soon extended to Maharashtra, Gujarat and Bengal. He learned Marathi and Gujarati and taught himself Sanskrit. He studied Bengali under litterateur Dinendra Kumar Roy.
Ghosh's goal was to capture the public through writing. He made an extensive study of Indian literature and papers on the Indian freedom struggle. Armed with fluency in Marathi, Gujarati and Bengali, he then transcribed his views in papers like the Indu Prakash, Bande Mataram, Dharma, and Karma Yogin.
His writing became the ideal for the Indian youth. He called on the young to serve the nation as "karmayogins." He wanted the youth to devote all their energies toward freeing Mother India. He told the youth that, "if you will study, study for her sake; train yourself body and mind and soul for her service; work so that she may prosper; suffer so that she may rejoice."
Ghosh formed secret revolutionary societies which enveloped Bengal. He asked members of these secret societies to take a solemn oath to "secure the freedom of Mother India at any cost." He stoked the fire of revolution by organizing a huge rally on November 9, 1905, in Calcutta. In the meantime, the Bande Mataram, a paper Ghosh edited, won the praise and admiration of all. The British, in an effort to curb the growing dissent, prosecuted the Bande Mataram and arrested Ghosh, who was charged with propagating sedition. The British resorted to caning anyone chanting "Bande Mataram". Aravinda was acquitted for lack of proof.

Ghosh was again arrested and put in jail in the Lal Bazar police station on May 5, 1908 as an undertrial prisoner for what came to be known as the Alipore bomb conspiracy. An attempt on Lord Kingsford's life, a presidency magistrate in Calcutta known for his harsh and prejudiced verdicts against Indians, was made by revolutionaries. The attempt went awry when the bomb intended for Lord Kingsford landed in the carriage of two English ladies. Both the ladies died. Ghosh had often proposed the use of an open rebellion to attain freedom. His secret societies practiced bomb making along with the study of revolutionary literature and the Gita. Ghosh's brother, Barin, opened a center in Ghosh's Maniktala Gardens residence in Calcutta. Following the bombing, Ghosh's residence was raided on May 2, 1908. Barin was arrested along with his associates. Ghosh was arrested at his Grey Street residence.
What began was a grueling trial in which Ghosh was defended by the renowned Calcutta lawyer Chittaranjan Das. Ghosh exhibited his abhorrence for terrorist style militant resistance. He had propagated the idea of an open armed revolt. In his statement, Ghosh said, "The whole of my case before you is this. It is suggested that I preached the idea of freedom to my country which is against the law, I plead guilty to the charge. If it is an offence to preach the idea of freedom, I admit I have done it. I have never disputed it... I felt I was called upon to preach to my country to make them realize that India had a mission to perform in the comity of nations." Ghosh denied having engineered the attempt on Lord Kingsford's life, declaring the act as being against everything he stood for. Due to Chittaranjan Das's professional defense, Ghosh was acquitted.
On his release from jail, Ghosh came out a changed man. He seemed confident that India would attain her freedom. He now decided to devote his life to the liberation of the whole of the human race. On the advice of some friends, like Sister Nivedita, disciple of Swami Vivekananda, Ghosh left British India and moved to French Pondicherry on April 4, 1910 to avoid confrontation with the British.
Ghosh came to be known as Sri Aurobindo to the world. Aurobindo completed his "Savitri", which he began writing in 1899 and published in 1954. Savitri represented, in Sri Aurobindo's own words "a means of ascension. I begin with it on a certain mental level, each time I could reach a higher level I rewrote from that level... ." He wrote in the "Savitri":
"A mightier race shall inhabit the mortal's world. On nature's luminous tops, On the spirits ground, The Superman shall reign as a King of life, Make earth almost the mate and peer of heaven." Savitri

Ashfaqulla Khan

Ashfaqulla Khan was born on 22nd of October 1900 to Shafiqulla Khan in Shahjanpur in Uttar Pradesh. Ashfaq was in school when Mahatma Gandhi Called the Non co-operation movement. a Movement wherein he called the Indians not to pay taxes to the British and not to cooperate with the British government in any way. This call of Gandhiji had kindled the fire of freedom in the hearts of many, but the Chauri Chaura incident of 1922 where approx 22 policemen were burnt alive in a police station deeply saddened Gandhiji that the called off the Non-cooperation movement.
A lot of youth of the country felt dejected on the withdrawal of the movement Ashfaq was one of them. He felt that India should become free as soon as possible and so he decided to join the revolutionaries and also win the friendship of Pundit Ram Prasad Bismil a famous revolutionary of Shahjanpur.
Ram Prasad Bismil was a member of the Arya Samaj and was eager to explain the greatness of the Hindu religion to those belonging to other religion this was a difficulty for Ashfaq who was a devout Muslim.
But the common intention of both Ram Prasad Bismil and Ashfaq i.e. Freedom to India helped him to win over the friendship of Ram Prasad.
The revolutionaries felt that soft words of non violence could not win India its Independence and therefore they wanted to make use of bombs revolvers and other weapons to instill fear in the hearts of the British’s empire. The British Empire was large and strong. The withdrawal of the no cooperation movement united revolutionaries scattered in the country. This revolutionary movement required money to support its need. One day while traveling on a train from Shahjanpur to Lucknow Ram Prasad noticed stationmaster bringing money bags into this guards van. This was a beginning of a Dacoity Called Kakori Dacoity
On August 9th 1925 the plan was brought into action. Ashfaqulla along with his other revolutionary friends namely Ram Prasad Bismil, Rajendra Lahiri, Thakur Roshan Singh, Sachindra Bakshi, Chandra- sekhara Azad, Keshab Chakra- varthy, Banwari Lal, Mukundi Lal, Man- mathnath Gupta looted the train in kakori village a wrote a memorable chapter in the History of India's freedom struggle
On the morning of 26th september 1925 Ram Prasad Bismil was caught by the police and Ashfaq was the only one untraced by the police. Ashfaq went into hiding and moved to Banaras from Banaras to Bihar where he worked in an engineering company for 10 months. Ashfaq wanted to move abroad to learn engineering to further help the freedom struggle and so he went to Delhi to find out ways to move out of the country. he took the help of one of his Pathan friend who in turn betrayed him by informing the police about his whereabouts. Tasadruk Khan then superintendent of police tried to play the caste politics with Ashfaq and tried to win him over by provoking him against Hinduism but Ashfaq was a strong willed Indian who surprised Tasadruk Khan by saying "Khan Sahib, I am quite sure that Hindu India will be much better than British India."
The case for the Kakori dacoity was concluded by awarding death sentence to Ram Prasad Bismil, Ashfaqulla Khan, Rajendra Lahiri and Roshan the others were given life sentences. The Whole country protested against the sentence but British Imperialism was Thirsting for the blood of the revolutionaries
Ashfaq was a lion among men he stood six feet tall He walked upright and once at the post he drew the rope towards him Kissed it and said "My hands are not soiled with the murder of man. The charge against me is false. God will give me justice." then he prayed "La ilahi il Allah, Mohammed Ur Rasool Allah."
Ashfaqulla was hanged on 19th December 1927 It has been said by some historians that Ashfaqulla Khan was the first Muslim to be hanged in a conspiracy case. In fact Ashfaqulla Khan in his last message to the nation wrote, "I take pride in the fact that I will be the first and foremost Muslim to embrace death on the gallows for the freedom of my country"
The Train Is Stopped
The No. 8 down train from Shahjahanpur to Lucknow was approaching Kakori on August 9, 1925. The sun was going down in the west.
The train stopped abruptly. Some one had pulled the chain.
Ashfaqulla got off a second class compartment with his friends Sachindra Bakshi and Rajendra Lahiri. He had done the first part of the duty in the Kakori plot that day.
The guard had got off his van by now. He was trying to find out in which compartment the chain had been pulled and why. Two revolutionaries fell on him. They made him lie down on his face. They warned that he would be shot dead if he tried to raise his head. Two others pushed the driver from the engine to the ground and stood guard over him. One revolutionary stood at each end of the train and both fired shots with their pistols. In the meantime theyshouted, "'Travelers! Do not be afraid. We are revolutionaries fighting for freedom. Your lives, money and honor are safe. But take care not to peep out of the train."
Four young men entered the Guard's Van. They managed to push the box to the ground. It had a strong lock. Neither the driver nor the guard had the key. There was an opening on the top; through this opening they could drop - money bags into it. But nothing could be taken out of it.
The revolutionaries started dealing blows with hammers to break it open. But even ten hard blows with iron hammers could not break the box. Ashfaq who was keeping guard saw this. He was the strongest of the group. He handed the pistol in his hand to his comrade, Manmathnath and ran towards the box. He dealt blow after blow on the opening of the box to widen it. The metallic sound of his heavy blows echoed through the silent and lonely place.
The British Court of Justice
In this way the police tried to win him over to their side and failed. They charge- sheeted him in the court. By this time the Kakori Case had progressed much; the case against Ashfaq was combined with it. A committee had been formed to defend the accused in the main case. Pandit Motilal Nehru, father of Jawaharlal, was the chairman. There were eminent men like Jawaharlal, Sriprakasha, Acharya Narendra Deva, and Govind Ballabh Pant and Chandra Bhanu Gupta on the committee.
After some progress had been made in the case against Ashfaqulla, Sachindra Bakshi was arrested at Bhagalpur. He was tried in a lower court separately and then the cases against both Ashfaq and Bakshi were combined and tried in the Sessions Court as one. Both of them tried to behave as if they did not know each other. But they were very good friends and had worked together in the party. Now that they were charge- sheeted together and met in the court they could not pretend to be strangers. They embraced each other in the court with great emotion. The officers of the jail remarked, 'We too had been waiting for the reunion of Rama and Bharata."
Life in prison had made Ashfaq very pious. He grew a beard. He said his prayers regularly. During Ramzan he fasted very strictly. Now and then the friendsdiscussed religion. Sachindra Bakshi had no faith in God. But Ashfaq used to say, "I consider the unseen power as supreme. It is above us and is greater than the world. That is my faith. But you do not agree. Faith is an entirely personal matter." He believed that religious faith is the greatest concept uniting God and man in a single principle. His considered opinion was that it was not a matter for discussion in the streets.
The main case and the complementary case relating to the Kakori train robbery came to an end. The Court of Justice under the British rule gave its judgment. Ramaprasad Bismil, Ashfaqulla Khan,
Rajendra Lahiri and Roshan Singh were to be put to death; the others were given life sentences.
The whole country protested against the death sentences. Members of the Central Legislature represented to the Viceroy that the death sentences should be reduced to life sentences. Appeals were sent to the Privy Council, the highest court in those days.
But British imperialism was thirsting for the blood of the Indian revolutionaries.
'Death comes but once;
Why fear it?'
So Ashfaq has sung in one of his poems. This is the faith of all revolutionaries. The four revolutionaries sentenced to death died with a smile-on their lips. They had only one prayer: they wanted to be born again in India so that they could fight for the freedom of the country. And so they became martyrs.
In the Dark Shadow of Death
Ramaprasad Bismil wrote his auto- biography (the story of his own life) in the prison a few days before his death. Had the authorities known about it, it would not have seen the light of day. But Rama- prasad had it secretly sent out of prison. He has given a moving account of his friendship with Ashfaq. He says, 'I remember clearly my first meeting with you in Shahjahanpur School; we met after the British Government declared its policy towards India. You were sincerely trying to meet me. You wanted to talk to me about the Mainpuri plot. I suspected your intentions because you were a Muslim and I talked to you in an insulting way. You were then greatly pained. You tried to convince me through friends that you were honest and earnest and that there was no pretence in you. You were determined to work hard for the good of the country. At last you won the day. By your efforts you won a place for yourself in my heart.'
Ramaprasad describes with great warmth how his friendship with Ashfaq grew after he had pulled down the walls of suspicion. He says, 'You became my brother in a few days' friendship. But you were not content to remain in the position of a brother. You wanted equality; you wanted to be one of my friends. You succeeded in your efforts. You became my honored and loved friend. Every one was surprised. I was a devout member of Arya Samaj; you were a devout Muslim. They wondered how we could be friendly.I used to invite Muslims to become Hindus. I lived in the hostels belonging to Arya Samaj. You never troubled yourself about it. Though my friends suspected you, you always walked the straight path firmly. You also used to visit the Arya Samaj Hostel. When there was a clash between the Hindus and the Muslims some of your people scolded you and called you a 'Kaafir' (non-believer). But you never joined them. You always supported Hindu-Muslim unity. You were a true Muslim and a great patriot. If you worried about any thing it was about Hindu Muslim unity. You wanted them to work for the betterment of the country. When I wrote an article or a book in Hindi, you used to ask me why I did not write in Urdu; you wanted that the Muslims also should read it. You learnt Hindi and became a scholar in it. You also used Hindi words while speaking at home. This surprised all.'
When Ashfaq tried to win Ramaprasad's friendship Ramaprasad suspected him. When they became friends, some people had needless doubts about Ashfaq. In this context Ramaprasad says, 'Some of your people feared that you would give up Islam. When there was nothing impure in your heart, where was the question of purifying you ? I understood the purity of your purpose; then I was completely won over. Some friends warned me that I should not trust a Muslim and get cheated.
'But success was yours. Nothing could stand between us now. We ate from the same plate almost always. I began to get over the feeling that there is difference between Hindus and Muslims. You had great love for faith and me in me. You stopped calling me by my full name. Always I was just 'Ram' to you. Once you lost consciousness. Then you called out 'Ram, Ram' often. The Muslims around you were shocked that a Muslim wascalling on a Hindu God 'Ram' in his last moments. They told you to call on Allah. But you went on saying 'Ram, Ram'. By chance a friend who knew the meaning sent word to me. When you saw me you became calm.'
Where did this friendship lead these two souls? Ramaprasad himself describes it. 'What was the result of this friendship finally? Your ideas were shaped by mine. You became a revolutionary. You had then one goal. You wanted to spread these ideas among the Muslim youths. You tried hard to kindle their interest. You wanted to induce them to take part in revolutionary activities. You wanted to influence your friends and relatives. You never disobeyed me. You were always ready to carry out my instructions like an obedient disciple.’
Ashfaqulla choose the path of service to the motherland. That path led him to the hangman’s noose. His leaderRamaprasad, himself standing on the threshold of death, bids farewell to him in these words: ‘It makes me glad that you made me shine brighter in the world. It is worth mentioning in Indian History that Ashfaqulla took part in the revolutionary movement in India. Even though you were put in prison your ideals never changes. You are strong both physically and mentally. Your soul is nobly prepared. On account of all these virtues the judge named you as my right-hand man. When he delivered judgment he gave you the garland of victory in the form of the hangman’s noose. My dear brother, you will feel glad that he who sacrificed his ancestral properly for the motherland, he who reduced his parents to beggars, prosperity for the sake of the country and he who sacrificed his all including his own life for the freedom of the country, sacrificed his dearest friend, Ashfaq, for the sake of the motherland.’ These are the words of love and admiration that one martyr, Ramaprasad, spoke about another martyr, Ashfaqulla Khan.
An Indian Lives And Dies for India
Ashfaqulla was an ideal revolutionary. His devotion to the cause he admired made him the foremost among those who gave their lives to win freedom for the country. He fully understood the real danger to the revolutionary movement in India from activities like the Kakori Train Robbery. But when all his friends and fellow workers jumped into the field, he did not keep away. He knew the danger, but he was not a coward. He was not afraid of speaking out his mind and warning others of the danger he foresaw so clearly.But when the leader went forward with his plan he followed in his footsteps. He knew full well that it would cost him his life. But his duty was to follows the leader. Love of the motherland, clear thinking, courage, firmness and loyalty were embodied in Ashfaqulla in a very great measure. He deserves to be remembered and cherished by all Indians for his noble qualities.
After a country becomes free there is no need to use force and violence. But when Ashfaqulla and his friends were fighting for the freedom of the country they needed money. They needed it not for themselves but for the sake of the country. They stopped the train carrying money and took it. Now that we have won freedom we need not do such deeds. But Ashfaqullaremains in our memory because of his noble example during a very difficult period in our country's history. We cannot forget his service to the nation and we ought not to forget it.
It is the birthright and good fortune of every Indian to serve India. To whatever religion a man may belong, his first and highest duty is to serve the country - this was the lesson Ashfaq wrote in the hearts of all people with his blood. He has left a lasting impression on the life of every Indian by his noble martyrdom. May his ideal ad his example shine forever in our hearts!